תשעא א - קריאה מודרכת MA - אריאנוס

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תשעא א - קריאה מודרכת MA\שיחת משתמש:Ronny Reshef

Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander

ציון מראי המקום בהם אריאנוס עצמו מביע דעתו על אלכסנדר והגדרה ממטית שלהם


סיכום

כתבי אריאנוס כפי שהגיעו אלינו משקפים את אהדתו הרבה לאלכסנדר. הקורא שעובר דרך עיניו של הסופר חלק מקורות אלכסנדר הגדול מתקשה שלא להדבק בהערצה לאדם שכבש כמעט את כל העולם.

אריאנוס כתב על הכוח האלוהי שליווה את אלכסנדר מהריון אמו[1]  ואף הוביל את אלכסנדר למותו. יתר על כן, הוא הוסיף שכנראה היה עדיף שאלכסנדר ימות בשיא תהילתו ולא כמו אנשים רגילים[2] . בנוסף, היה לאלכסנדר מזל בלתי פוסק[3] שגרר כניעת ערים מרצון[4]  ואולי אף מציאת מים[5].

אריאנוס כותב לא מעט אודות הקשר של אלכסנדר לאלים, הן לאל ייחודי כדיוניסיוס[6] והן תקשורת באופן כללי עם האלים, למשל בגורדיום[7]. זאת ועוד, לעיתים אלכסנדר קיבל סיוע מהאלים[8] ובקרב חלק מהאוכלוסיות אף נחשב לאל בעצמו[9]. נוסף על כך, קיים אזכור מעניין אצל אריאנוס בו הוא טוען שאלכסנדר לא ניסה לחקות את דיוניסיוס בקרמניא[10]. נשאלת השאלה, מי טען שאלכסנדר כן ניסה לחקות אותו באירוע זה ועל בסיס מה אריאנוס מכחיש את העניין?

הישגי אלכסנדר מודגשים בספריו של אריאנוס[11] ומולם חוסר הסיפוק המתמיד שחש[12], הן בנוגע לגודל תהילתו[13] והן בנוגע לצבירת שלל[14]. סיבת המפתח לחוסר הסיפוק שחש אלכסנדר היא לדעתי, התחרות הקשה שערך עם עצמו, שכן בה קשה לנצח[15].

עניין נוסף שמופיע אצל אריאנוס הוא הכבוד שסבב את חיי אלכסנדר, מחד גיסא כבוד למתים והאדרתם בקבר מפואר[16] או אף הנצחתם בדרך אחרת[17] ומאידך גיסא מתן ערך גבוה לכבוד בחיי היום יום. למשל, העונש שניתן לבסוס לאחר שבגד בדריווש[18], הכבוד שניתן לילדיו של המלך הנבגד[19] ולפורוס שנלחם מולו באומץ[20]. פן שלישי של כבוד שמופיע בכתבי אריאנוס הוא שאלכסנדר לא זכה לכבוד שלו הוא ראוי, לדעת המחבר – ולעתים אף לביקורת לא מוצדקת[21].

אריאנוס ציין תכונות חיוביות רבות של אלכסנדר, כמעט רבות מספור. בין העיקריות שבהן גדוּלה[22] אומץ בשדה הקרב[23], נחישות[24], נדיבות שלוותה בחוסר פזרנות על עצמו[25], הפעלת שיקול דעת[26] וחרטה מלווה בהודאה בטעות[27].

תכונות אלה שבוטאו בהתנהגות היום יומית של אלכסנדר תרמו לפופולריות שלו בקרב חייליו[28], כפי שניתן לראות מתגובותיהם לנאומיו[29] ומהאימפוטנציא שחשו כשנראה שהכל אבוד ואלכסנדר לא ישוב עוד[30].

פן נוסף בהתנהגות אלכסנדר שתרם לפופולריות שלו בקרב חייליו היה ההתחשבות בהם – מתן הפסקות למנוחה ורענון[31], חפירת בארות מים עבור החיילים המפליגים לאורך החוף[32] ועידוד חייליו בעת בניית רצועת האדמה לצור[33].

מאזכורי אריאנוס את הפאיסטיון ניתן ללמוד על הקשר הקרוב שהיה בינו לבין אלכסנדר, לדוגמא כשאם דריווש התבלבלה בין השניים ואלכסנדר הגיב בהבעת אמון כלפיו[34]  ועם מותו של הפאיסטיון, כשצערו של אלכסנדר היה גדול[35], עד כדי כך שאריאנוס כותב שייתכן שאלכסנדר היה מעדיף למות לפניו ולא לחזות במותו[36]. מעניין לציין שהקשר הקרוב האחר של אלכסנדר לפי אריאנוס היה לסוס שלו, בוקפאלאס[37].

תכונות נוספות של אלכסנדר היו אהבת התהילה[38] והשאיפה למעשים גדולים שייזכרו על ידי הדורות שטרם נולדו[39] . הפעולות שנבעו מהרצון לזכות בתהילה סיכנו את אלכסנדר[40] ומעולם לא הסבו לו סיפוק[41]. בנוסף, התשוקה שהשתלטה על אלכסנדר לעיתים גרמה לו לעשות מעשים כחציית נהרות[42] והגעה לים הפרסי[43] - כלומר, המשך הכיבושים, או השתלטות על האקרופוליס[44] וכיבוש ההר אורונוס, מעשה אותו הראקלס לא הצליח לבצע[45] - תחרות עם האלים.

על אף השבחים והאזכורים החיוביים של אלכסנדר אצל אריאנוס, קיימת בספריו גם ביקורת. אריאנוס מבקר את אלכסנדר על פזיזותו[46], קשיחותו[47], יהירותו אל מול חלק מאויביו[48] ולקראת סוף כתביו, הברבריות שלו וחמימות המזג בה נהג אלכסנדר לקראת הסוף[49]. נוסף על כך, נושא ההשתחוויה כתוצאה מהמפגש עם המזרח זכה גם הוא לביקורת[50], יחד עם הרגלי השתייה הברברים שפיתח אלכסנדר בתקופה זו של חייו[51].

בדיווחו של אריאנוס יש חוסר עקביות בנוגע לעניינים מסויימים, למשל הרגלי השתייה של אלכסנדר. בספרו השביעי, מציין אריאנוס שאלכסנדר לא נהג לשתות הרבה, בהסתמכותו על אריסטובולוס[52]. לעומת זאת, בספרו הרביעי הוא כותב שאלכסנדר התמכר לטיפה המרה[53]. נושא אחר בו ניתן להבחין בחוסר העקביות של אלכסנדר הוא היחס שלו להתנגדות הנכבשים. בהליקארנסוס, אלכסנדר רצה שהאזרחים יכנעו[54] ואילו מול פורוס העריך את האומץ בו נלחם מולו[55].


  1. אריאנוס 7.30.1-3
  2. אריאנוס 7.16.7
  3. אריאנוס 7.29.1
  4. אריאנוס 6.16.2
  5. אריאנוס 6.26.4-5
  6. אריאנוס 5.2.5
  7. אריאנוס 2.3.8
  8. אריאנוס 3.3.6
  9. אריאנוס, בנוגע לערבים - 7.20.1. האם נושא זה נחקר עד תום?
  10. אריאנוס 6.28.1-2
  11. אריאנוס 2.10.4 , 5.5.2
  12. אריאנוס 4.7.4
  13. אריאנוס 7.28.1-3
  14. אריאנוס 7.19.6
  15. אריאנוס 7.1.4
  16. אריאנוס 6.2.1, 3.22.1, 2.12.1.
  17. אריאנוס 7.14.2
  18. אריאנוס 3.30.5
  19. אריאנוס 3.22.6
  20. אריאנוס 5.19.3
  21. אריאנוס, fckLRfckLRכבוד – 1.12.2,ביקורת - 7.30.1-3
  22. אריאנוס 1.12.4
  23. אריאנוס 6.10.3, 3.15.2
  24. אריאנוס 7.25.5, 6.6.5
  25. אריאנוס 3.5.1 מול 7.28.1-3
  26. אריאנוס 4.1.3, 5.20.10, 3.10.2
  27. אריאנוס 4.8.1, 4.9.6
  28. אריאנוס 6.26.1-3, 1.24.2
  29. אריאנוס 2.7.9
  30. אריאנוס 6.12.2
  31. אריאנוס 6.7.1,6.8.1-2
  32. אריאנוס 6.21.3
  33. אריאנוס 2.18.4
  34. אריאנוס 2.12.8
  35. אריאנוס 7.14.2
  36. אריאנוס 7.16.7
  37. אריאנוס 5.19.6
  38. אריאנוס 7.2.2
  39. אריאנוס 6.9.5
  40. אריאנוס 6.13.4
  41. אריאנוס 7.28.1-3
  42. אריאנוס 1.3.5
  43. אריאנוס 7.1.1
  44. אריאנוס 2.3.1
  45. אריאנוס 4.28.1-3
  46. אריאנוס 4.18.6, 6.13.4
  47. אריאנוס 3.25.7
  48. אריאנוס 3.10.2 ,7.6.7
  49. אריאנוס 7.8.3, 7.29.1
  50. אריאנוס 4.9.9 , 4.10.1, 4.12.6
  51. אריאנוס 4.8.2 , 4.9.1
  52. אריאנוס 7.29.3-4
  53. אריאנוס 4.8.2 , 4.9.1
  54. אריאנוס 1.22.7
  55. אריאנוס 5.19.3

הצלחה

2.10.4 And here, Alexander and his followers won a brilliant success. (against Darius)

4.7.4 for my part, I do not approve of this excessive punishment of Bessus; I regard the mutilation of the extremities as barbaric, and I agree that Alexander was carried away into imitation of Median and Persian opulence and of the custom of barbarian kings not to countenance equality with subjects in their daily lives. Nor do I at all approve the facts that, though a descendant of Heracles, he substituted the dress of Medes for that traditional with Macedonians and that he exchanged the tiara of the Persians, whom he himself had conquered, for the head dress he had long worn, (5) but I take it that nothing is clearer proof that Alexander's great successes of the truth that neither bodily strength in anyone, nor distinction of birth nor continuous good fortune in war (..) that not one of this things is any contribution to man's happiness, unless the man whose achievements are apparently so great were to possess at the same time command of his own passions.


5.5.2 but the present record must be restricted to what appears sufficient to explain Alexander's achievements.

חוסר סיפוק

7.28.1-3 Alexander excelled in physical beauty, in zest for exertions, in shrewdness of judgement, in courage, in love of honor and danger, and in care for religion. (2) over bodily pleasures, he exercised the greatest self control; he was insatiate for praise alone. He had the most wonderful power to discern the right course, when it was still unclear, and was most successful in inferring from observed facts what was likely to follow. His skill in marshaling, arming and equipping a force, in raising the morale of his troops, filling them with confidence and banishing their fear in dangers by his own fearlessness was altogether most admirable. (3) in fact, when what was to be done was clear, he displayed the utmost daring, and he had a most wonderful ability to strike the enemy first. No one was more reliable in keeping pacts or agreements, or more secure from being trapped by the fraudulent. As for money, he was very sparing in using it for his own pleasures, but most liberal in employing it for the benefit of others. ( דחיית סיפוקים אישיים וחוסר סיפוק רק בנוגע לתהילה.)

7.19.6 the truth in my own believe is that Alexander was always insatiate in winning possessions.

4.7.4 for my part, I do not approve of this excessive punishment of Bessus; I regard the mutilation of the extremities as barbaric, and I agree that Alexander was carried away into imitation of Median and Persian opulence and of the custom of barbarian kings not to countenance equality with subjects in their daily lives. Nor do I at all approve the facts that, though a descendant of Heracles, he substituted the dress of Medes for that traditional with Macedonians and that he exchanged the tiara of the Persians, whom he himself had conquered, for the head dress he had long worn, (5) but I take it that nothing is clearer proof that Alexander's great successes of the truth that neither bodily strength in anyone, nor distinction of birth nor continuous good fortune in war (..) that not one of this things is any contribution to man's happiness, unless the man whose achievements are apparently so great were to possess at the same time command of his own passions.


7.1.4 none of Alexander's plans were small and petty, and no matter what he had already conquered, he would not have stopped there quietly, not even if he had added Europe to Asia and the Britannic islands to Europe, but that he would always have searched far beyond for something unknown, in competition with himself in default of any other rival. (אלכסנדר חשב בגדול. למה כלב כשאפשר פרה? תחרות עם עצמו - זו הכי קשה.)

ביקורת

4.18.6 A boastful remark by the barbarians had contributed to Alexander's passionate pursuit of the glory of success (they told him to look for winged soldiers in order to capture the mountain for him). - Oxyartes (רגישות לעלבונות, פזיזות)

3.17.6 this were the gifts of honor they [the Uxian hillmen] received from Alexander; and it was only with difficulty that they obtained from him their request to retain their own territory, paying annual tribute to Alexander. (קשיחות)

3.25.7 Alexander pursued sharply all those he found to have had a hand in the revolt, .., he killed some and enslaved the rest. (קשיחות)

7.6.7 he therefore regarded this precaution as of no advantage to himself, and showed by his action in destroying with ease works on which the Persians had spent their energy that it was of no value. (weirs at regular intervals along the Tigris) (זלזול בפרסים, יהירות?)

3.10.2 Alexander refused to attack at night, due to a careful calculation. (3) the hazards of the night were manifest to him. (4) this considerations, not less than the arrogance he paraded, lead me (Arrian) to commend Alexander. (+יהירות)

7.8.3 by this time, Alexander became quicker tempered and courted in the barbarian manner. (ברבריות, חמימות מזג)

6.30.1 then Alexander proceeded to the Persian palace, to which he himself had formerly set fire, as I related while expressing my condemnation of his act. ( הצתת הארמון הפרסי)

4.9.9. Alexander desired people actually to do him obeisance, from the underlying idea that his father was Ammon and not Philip and in accordance with the habits of the Persians and Medes which he admired. His dress had also changed. (בן אל+ השתחוויה, ברבריות, בגדים זרים)

4.10.1 I do not approve of this (obeisance) (ביקורת- השתחוויה)

4.12.6 in these incidents (including the obeisance) I don't at all approve either of Alexander's arrogance at the time or of Callisthenes' tactlessness, (..) I think it enough for a man to show moderation in his own individual conduct (…). ( התשחוויה, יוהרה)


1.13.6 Alexander belittled the Granicus. (יוהרה?)

4.8.2 Alexander had already taken to new and more barbaric ways in drinking. (ברבריות, התמכרות לטיפה המרה)

4.9.1 I myself strongly blame Clitus for his insolence towards the king, and pity Alexander for his misfortune, since he showed himself as the slave of anger and drunkenness. (2) but for the sequel I commend Alexander, in that he immediately recognized the savagery of his action. (עבד הטיפה המרה והכעס+חרטה)

4.7.4 for my part, I do not approve of this excessive punishment of Bessus; I regard the mutilation of the extremities as barbaric, and I agree that Alexander was carried away into imitation of Median and Persian opulence and of the custom of barbarian kings not to countenance equality with subjects in their daily lives. Nor do I at all approve the facts that, though a descendant of Heracles, he substituted the dress of Medes for that traditional with Macedonians and that he exchanged the tiara of the Persians, whom he himself had conquered, for the head dress he had long worn, (5) but I take it that nothing is clearer proof that Alexander's great successes of the truth that neither bodily strength in anyone, nor distinction of birth nor continuous good fortune in war (..) that not one of this things is any contribution to man's happiness, unless the man whose achievements are apparently so great were to possess at the same time command of his own passions.

4.4.2 As he saw that the Scythians were not leaving the river bank but were observed shooting from it arrows into the river (..) and were also insulting Alexander (..) his irritation made him plan to cross and attack them, and he began to get ready for crossing. (3) but when he sacrificed, the omens were not favorable. Though much annoyed by this, still he restrained himself and stayed where he was. (..) Aristander refused to interpret the heavenly signs differently according to what Alexander wanted to hear. (עצבנות+דת)

3.18.12 I too do not think that Alexander showed good sense in this action, nor that he could punish Persians of a long past age. (sacking Athens, burning the temples when they invaded Greece)

6.13.4 My own idea is that Alexander was irritated with this remarks because he knew that they were true and that he had laid himself open to this censure. And yet, his rage in battle ans passion for glory made him like men overcome by any other form of pleasure, and he was not strong minded enough to keep out of dangers. (פזיזות, זעם, רגישות)

7.29.1 if Alexander was at all guilty of misdeeds due to haste or anger, or if he was led on to adopt barbarian practices involving too much pretension, I do not regard it as important; only consider in charity his youth, his unbroken good fortune, and the fact that men who seek to please and not to act for the best who are and will be the associates of kings, exercising an evil influence. But remorse for his misdeeds was to my knowledge peculiar to Alexander among the kings of old times, and resulted from his noble nature. (פזיזות, כעס, ברבריות.)

גורל ומזל

גורל

7.16.7 the fact was that divine power led him on the path which once taken determined his immediate death. And it may be that it was really better for him to die at the height of his fame, when men felt most regret for him and before any ordinary disaster befall him. (8) I believe Alexander would have preferred to have gone first himself rather that experience it during his lifetime (Hephaestion's death).


מזל

6.26.4-5 Alexander led the army to the shore, where water existed, when they were disoriented. ( או חוש כיוון)

6.16.2 The other cities in the same country surrendered on Alexander's approach, no one resisting, so completely had the spirit of all the Indians been broken by Alexander and Alexander's fortune.

7.30.1-3 anyone who reproaches Alexander should not do so by merely citing actions that merit reproach, but should collect all his actions together, and then carefully reflect who he himself is and what kind of fortune he enjoys, that he can condemn Alexander, given what Alexander became and the height of human good fortune he attained, the unquestioned king of both continents whose name reached every part of the world, whereas he is himself a lesser man, whose energies are spent on petty things and who does not even gets this things right. (2) in my own view there was no race of men, no city in those days, no single men whom the name of Alexander had not reached. (..) signs (of Alexander being born with a divine agency) have been given by oracles, dreams and visions seen by different men, and the honor mankind pay him to this day and the more that human memory preserved of him, and even now, after so long a passage of time other oracles in his honor had been given to the Macedonians. (3) so, while I myself have censured some of Alexander's acts in my history of them, I am not ashamed to express admiration of Alexander himself; I have made those criticisms from my own respect for truth and also for the good of mankind (..) and like Alexander, not without god's help.

7.29.1 if Alexander was at all guilty of misdeeds due to haste or anger, or if he was led on to adopt barbarian practices involving too much pretension, I do not regard it as important; only consider in charity his youth, his unbroken good fortune, and the fact that men who seek to please and not to act for the best who are and will be the associates of kings, exercising an evil influence. But remorse for his misdeeds was to my knowledge peculiar to Alexander among the kings of old times, and resulted from his noble nature.

כבוד

למתים

6.2.1 so far as circumstances allowed, Alexander gave Coenus a magnificent funeral.

3.22.1 Alexander sent Darius' body to Persepolis, ordering it to be buried in the royal tomb, like the other kings who ruled before him.

7.14.2 Alexander's grief for Hephaestion's death was great. (4) he may have cut his hair over the corpse, especially considering his emulation of Achilles, with whom he had a rivalry from boyhood. (10) at any rate, Alexander never appointed anyone in place of Hephaestion as chiliarch over the Companion's cavalry, so that his name might never be lost in the unit. (+הנצחה)


2.12.1 Next day, despite a sword wound in his thigh, Alexander went round to see the wounded; he gathered together the dead and gave them a splendid military funeral, (..) (ולפצועים)

כללי

3.30.5 Alexander tortured Bessus for betraying Darius. (شرف, ערך גבוה לנאמנות)


3.22.6 After death he (Darius) had a royal burial and his children were brought up and educated by Alexander, as if he were still on the throne, and Alexander married his daughter. (شرف)

2.12.5 Alexander granted them (Darius's mother and daughters) the right to royal state and all other sighns of royalty, .. since he had not made war with Darius from personal enmity but had fought for the sovereighnty of Asia lawfully. (شرف)

1.12.2 Alexander might well have counted Achilles happy on this score, since, fortunate as Alexander was in other ways, there was a great gap left here, and Alexander's exploits were never celebrated as they deserved, either in prose or verse; there were not even choral lyrics for Alexander as for Hiero, Gelo, Thero and many others not to be compared with him, so that Alexander's exploits are far less known than very minor deeds of old times. (אלכסנדר לא זכה לכבוד לו הוא ראוי+השוואה לאחרים)


7.30.1-3 anyone who reproaches Alexander should not do so by merely citing actions that merit reproach, but should collect all his actions together, and then carefully reflect who he himself is and what kind of fortune he enjoys, that he can condemn Alexander, given what Alexander became and the height of human good fortune he attained, the unquestioned king of both continents whose name reached every part of the world, whereas he is himself a lesser man, whose energies are spent on petty things and who does not even gets this things right. (2) in my own view there was no race of men, no city in those days, no single men whom the name of Alexander had not reached. (..) signs (of Alexander being born with a divine agency) have been given by oracles, dreams and visions seen by different men, and the honor mankind pay him to this day and the more that human memory preserved of him, and even now, after so long a passage of time other oracles in his honor had been given to the Macedonians. (3) so, while I myself have censured some of Alexander's acts in my history of them, I am not ashamed to express admiration of Alexander himself; I have made those criticisms from my own respect for truth and also for the good of mankind (..) and like Alexander, not without god's help.

7.28.1-3 Alexander excelled in physical beauty, in zest for exertions, in shrewdness of judgement, in courage, in love of honor and danger, and in care for religion. (2) over bodily pleasures, he exercised the greatest self control; he was insatiate for praise alone. He had the most wonderful power to discern the right course, when it was still unclear, and was most successful in inferring from observed facts what was likely to follow. His skill in marshaling, arming and equipping a force, in raising the morale of his troops, filling them with confidence and banishing their fear in dangers by his own fearlessness was altogether most admirable. (3) in fact, when what was to be done was clear, he displayed the utmost daring, and he had a most wonderful ability to strike the enemy first. No one was more reliable in keeping pacts or agreements, or more secure from being trapped by the fraudulent. As for money, he was very sparing in using it for his own pleasures, but most liberal in employing it for the benefit of others. (אהבת הכבוד והסכנה)


5.19.3 in this way he himself acted like a king in his treatment of a man of honour, while in Porus he found from this time entire fidelity. (למי שנלחם נגדו בעוז)

רק טוב

תכונות חיוביות של אלכסנדר

אומץ, גבורה

6.10.3 Alexander's daring was thoughtless.

1.12.5 [..] my subject Alexander was among the masters of warfare. (footnote: the language derived from Iliad vi 429 f. see Appendix in vol.2)


2.12.1 Next day, despite a sword wound in his thigh, Alexander went round to see the wounded; he gathered together the dead and gave them a splendid military funeral, (..)

3.15.2 Alexander did the fiercest cavalry engagement of the whole action (against Darius).

2.7.9 He also told them of anything else which at such a time, before dangers, a brave general would naturally tell brave men by way of encouragement. They crowded round and clasped their king's hand, and with cries of encouragement urged him to lead them on at once.

דוגמא אישית, נחישות, אצילות

7.25.5 ..ill tough he was, summoned the most important officers and gave them further instructions for the voyage. (נחישות)

5.19.3 in this way he himself acted like a king in his treatment of a man of honour, while in Porus he found from this time entire fidelity.

2.23.4 ..Alexander too was there with them, taking a strenuous part in the action (Tyre) itself and keeping his eyes open for any conspicuous display of courage, and daring by others in the danger. (+איתור מצטיינים)

6.9.5 conspicuous as Alexander was, both by the splendour of his arms and by his extraordinary audacity, he decided that by remaining where he was he would be in danger, while not even performing any deed of note, but that if he leaped down within the wall he might perhaps by this very action strike the Indians with panic but, if not and danger was inevitable, he might do great deeds, worth hearing to men of later generations, and that glory would attend his death. (+ פזיזות?)

6.26.1-3 now at this point a noble deed, as noble as any of Alexander's, in my judgement is not to be left in obscurity, (..) The army was marching through sand, with the heat already burning, since they were obliged to get to water at the end of the march, and this was some distance ahead. Alexander himself was in the grip of thirst, and persisted with difficulty. Suddenly, some light armed troops left the army to look for water and found some, collected in a shallow torrent bed, a poor and wretched water hole. They took it to Alexander, poured it into a helmet and offered it to the king. He took it and thanked them, but then poured it out in front of everyone. And at this action, the army was so much heartened that you would have guessed that all had drunk what Alexander had poured away. This deed of Alexander's I specially commend as a proof of his endurance and generalship. (אצילות, شرف, מים, הקרבה)


7.29.1 if Alexander was at all guilty of misdeeds due to haste or anger, or if he was led on to adopt barbarian practices involving too much pretension, I do not regard it as important; only consider in charity his youth, his unbroken good fortune, and the fact that men who seek to please and not to act for the best who are and will be the associates of kings, exercising an evil influence. But remorse for his misdeeds was to my knowledge peculiar to Alexander among the kings of old times, and resulted from his noble nature.


6.6.5 but as the Macedonians pressed on vigorously from all sides, and as Alexander himself appeared here, there and everywhere in the action, the citadel was taken by assault, and all who had taken refuge there perished. (..) (נחישות, פעלתנות)

נדיבות

3.5.1 at Memphis, many embassies reached (Alexander) from Greece, and he sent away no one disappointed in his request.

הפעלת שיקול דעת (חוסר פזיזות)

6.21.3 Alexander dug wells so that there might be plenty of water for the forces sailing along the coast (..) (see also 6.20.4)


3.20.3 despairing of capturing Darius by close pursuit, Alexander remained there five days and rested his force.


3.10.2 Alexander refused to attack at night, due to a careful calculation. (3) the hazards of the night were manifest to him. (4) this considerations, not less than the arrogance he paraded, lead me (Arrian) to commend Alexander. (+יהירות)


4.1.3 he was himself planning to found a city on the Tanais, .. for in his view the site was suitable for the city to rise to greatness, and it would be well placed for any eventual invasion of Scythia and as a defense bastion of the country against the raids of the Barbarians dwelling on the other side of the river.

4.2.5 things turned out just as he guessed (the two next cities in the area learned of the capture of the neighboring cities and of his own impending approach and took to flight)


5.20.10 and I conjecture that Alexander again chose the widest part of the river Acesines to cross, so that he might find the current slower.

תכונות חיוביות נוספות

7.28.1-3 Alexander excelled in physical beauty, in zest for exertions, in shrewdness of judgement, in courage, in love of honor and danger, and in care for religion. (2) over bodily pleasures, he exercised the greatest self control; he was insatiate for praise alone. He had the most wonderful power to discern the right course, when it was still unclear, and was most successful in inferring from observed facts what was likely to follow. His skill in marshaling, arming and equipping a force, in raising the morale of his troops, filling them with confidence and banishing their fear in dangers by his own fearlessness was altogether most admirable. (3) in fact, when what was to be done was clear, he displayed the utmost daring, and he had a most wonderful ability to strike the enemy first. No one was more reliable in keeping pacts or agreements, or more secure from being trapped by the fraudulent. As for money, he was very sparing in using it for his own pleasures, but most liberal in employing it for the benefit of others. (יופי, צדק, אומץ, אהבת הכבוד והסכנה, דחיית סיפוקים אישיים וחוסר סיפוק רק בנוגע לתהילה. חוש כיוון, יכולת פיקודית, העלאת מורל החיילים, כיבוד הסכמים, חסכנות על עצמו בכסף, פזרנות על אחרים - כמעט רק דברים טובים)


3.20.1-2 By reason of the speed of his march, many of his troops were left behind worn out, while the horses were dying. Still, Alexander went on.. [after Darius towards the Caspian Gates] (מהירות)


3.21.6 on hearing this (Darius was arrested etc), Alexander decided that he must pursue with the utmost vigour. Already his men and and horses were growing utterly wearied under the continued hardship; none the less, he pressed on..


3.28.9 but Alexander advanced none the less, with difficulty indeed, through thick snow and with necessaries lacking, but still he came on. (mount Caucasus, Bessus) (\התמדה)


5.24.7 Alexander pursued them (cities near Sangala) hotly as soon as their flight was reported to him, but most of them had got safe away, for the pursuit began after a long interval.

5.24.8 Alexander thought there could be no end of the war as long as any enemy was left. (התמדה)


7.15.3 in fact, Alexander found nothing impossible in any military operations he undertook. (5) it was then more than ever that both in his own estimation and in that of his entourage Alexander appeared to be master of every land and sea. (והתמדה, אוניברסליות, כל יכול)

4.8.1 the story of Clitus caused Alexander's suffering. (חרטה+רגישות)

4.9.6 in this I commend Alexander: he did not brazen out his evil act, nor degenerate further by becoming champion and advocate of his error; he admitted that he has erred, as a man may. (הודאה בטעות, חרטה)

2.12.8 when Darius's mother thought Hephaestion was Alexander he wasn't upset, and said he was also an Alexander. This shows Alexander's compassion for the woman and the trust and honour he felt for his friend, though Arrian isn't sure this happened. (חמלה)

1.4.7 of the Celts, he enquired what mortal thing they most dreaded, hoping that his own great name had reached the Celts and gone still further, and that they would say that they dreaded him more than anything else. (יראה+גדולה)


1.12.4 no other single man performed such remarkable deeds, whether in number or magnitude, among either Greeks or Barbarians. That, I declare, is I why myself have embarked on this history, not judging myself unworthy to make Alexander's deeds known to men. (גדולה+ייחודיות אלכסנדר+השוואה לאחרים)


1.24.2 Alexander gained as much popularity by this act among the Macedonians as by any other (letting the newly wed men spend the winter with their wives). (גדולה)

1.12.5 [..] my subject Alexander was among the masters of warfare. (footnote: the language derived from Iliad vi 429 f. see Appendix in vol.2) (גדולה)

7.23.8 Alexander (regarding Hepaestion's Egyptian shrine) was showing such great care over matters of no great importance. (..) I cannot approve this mandate from a great king to a man (Cleomenes) who was ruling a large and populous area, all the more as the man was wicked. (יכולת שיפוט אנשים, גדולה)

2.12.8 when Darius's mother thought Hephaestion was Alexander he wasn't upset, and said he was also an Alexander. This shows Alexander's compassion for the woman and the trust and honour he felt for his friend, though Arrian isn't sure this happened. (+חמלה)

7.30.1-3 anyone who reproaches Alexander should not do so by merely citing actions that merit reproach, but should collect all his actions together, and then carefully reflect who he himself is and what kind of fortune he enjoys, that he can condemn Alexander, given what Alexander became and the height of human good fortune he attained, the unquestioned king of both continents whose name reached every part of the world, whereas he is himself a lesser man, whose energies are spent on petty things and who does not even gets this things right. (2) in my own view there was no race of men, no city in those days, no single men whom the name of Alexander had not reached. (..) signs (of Alexander being born with a divine agency) have been given by oracles, dreams and visions seen by different men, and the honor mankind pay him to this day and the more that human memory preserved of him, and even now, after so long a passage of time other oracles in his honor had been given to the Macedonians. (3) so, while I myself have censured some of Alexander's acts in my history of them, I am not ashamed to express admiration of Alexander himself; I have made those criticisms from my own respect for truth and also for the good of mankind (..) and like Alexander, not without god's help.

6.27.5 in Alexander's realm, the rulers weren't allowed to wrong the subjects. As a result, order was kept among the people that Alexander had conquered or voluntarily came over to him. (צדק, התחשבות בנתינים)


Alexander fell in love with her, .. As for Darius's wife, who was said to be the most beautiful woman in Asia, either he felt no desire for her or he controlled himself, young as he was and at the very height of good fortune, when men act violently: he respected and spared her, showing much restraint as well as an ambition for good repute which was not misplaced. (ריסון עצמי, כבוד, חוסר ניצול מרות, חוסר עניין בנשים?)

פופולריות

6.26.1-3 now at this point a noble deed, as noble as any of Alexander's, in my judgement is not to be left in obscurity, (..) The army was marching through sand, with the heat already burning, since they were obliged to get to water at the end of the march, and this was some distance ahead. Alexander himself was in the grip of thirst, and persisted with difficulty. Suddenly, some light armed troops left the army to look for water and found some, collected in a shallow torrent bed, a poor and wretched water hole. They took it to Alexander, poured it into a helmet and offered it to the king. He took it and thanked them, but then poured it out in front of everyone. And at this action, the army was so much heartened that you would have guessed that all had drunk what Alexander had poured away. This deed of Alexander's I specially commend as a proof of his endurance and generalship. ( מים)

6.12.2 everything seemed to them impracticable and bereft if they were bereft of Alexander (after his lung was pierced)

3.5.1 at Memphis, many embassies reached (Alexander) from Greece, and he sent away no one disappointed in his request.

2.7.9 He also told them of anything else which at such a time, before dangers, a brave general would naturally tell brave men by way of encouragement. They crowded round and clasped their king's hand, and with cries of encouragement urged him to lead them on at once.

1.24.2 Alexander gained as much popularity by this act among the Macedonians as by any other (letting the newly wed men spend the winter with their wives).

רעות, התחשבות בחיילים

2.18.4 Alexander inspired the men (building the mole to Tyre) with words and encouraged their exertions by gifts to those who did work of exceptional merit. (עידוד החיילים - מעלה גם את הפופולריות+איתור מצטיינים)

7.14.2 Alexander's grief for Hephaestion's death was great. (4) he may have cut his hair over the corpse, especially considering his emulation of Achilles, with whom he had a rivalry from boyhood. (10) at any rate, Alexander never appointed anyone in place of Hephaestion as chiliarch over the Companion's cavalry, so that his name might never be lost in the unit.

7.16.7 the fact was that divine power led him on the path which once taken determined his immediate death. And it may be that it was really better for him to die at the height of his fame, when men felt most regret for him and before any ordinary disaster befall him. (8) I believe Alexander would have preferred to have gone first himself rather that experience it during his lifetime (Hephaestion's death).

7.4.7 none of Alexander's actions were thought to show more affability and comradeship (he and his Companions married at Susa to the noblest daughters of Persians and Medes).

3.20.3 despairing of capturing Darius by close pursuit, Alexander remained there five days and rested his force.


6.7.1 after seeing that his troops had dined and rested, Alexander began his advance again about the first watch.

6.8.1-2 Alexander rested his army (twice).

6.21.3 Alexander dug wells so that there might be plenty of water for the forces sailing along the coast (..) (see also 6.20.4)

הפאיסטיון

7.14.2 Alexander's grief for Hephaestion's death was great. (4) he may have cut his hair over the corpse, especially considering his emulation of Achilles, with whom he had a rivalry from boyhood. (10) at any rate, Alexander never appointed anyone in place of Hephaestion as chiliarch over the Companion's cavalry, so that his name might never be lost in the unit. (רעות, כבוד למתים, הנצחה)

7.16.7 the fact was that divine power led him on the path which once taken determined his immediate death. And it may be that it was really better for him to die at the height of his fame, when men felt most regret for him and before any ordinary disaster befall him. (8) I believe Alexander would have preferred to have gone first himself rather that experience it during his lifetime (Hephaestion's death).


7.23.8 Alexander (regarding Hepaestion's Egyptian shrine) was showing such great care over matters of no great importance. (..) I cannot approve this mandate from a great king to a man (Cleomenes) who was ruling a large and populous area, all the more as the man was wicked.

2.12.8 when Darius's mother thought Hephaestion was Alexander he wasn't upset, and said he was also an Alexander. This shows Alexander's compassion for the woman and the trust and honour he felt for his friend, though Arrian isn't sure this happened.

FAME

I'm gonne live forever..

7.2.2 thus, while Alexander was not wholly beyond comprehension of better courses, he was fearfully mastered by love of fame. For when on his arrival at Taxila, he saw those of the Indian sophist who go naked, a longing came to him that one of this men should live with him, since he admired their endurance. (+גימנוסופיסטים)

7.16.7 the fact was that divine power led him on the path which once taken determined his immediate death. And it may be that it was really better for him to die at the height of his fame, when men felt most regret for him and before any ordinary disaster befall him. (8) I believe Alexander would have preferred to have gone first himself rather that experience it during his lifetime (Hephaestion's death).

6.9.5 conspicuous as Alexander was, both by the splendour of his arms and by his extraordinary audacity, he decided that by remaining where he was he would be in danger, while not even performing any deed of note, but that if he leaped down within the wall he might perhaps by this very action strike the Indians with panic but, if not and danger was inevitable, he might do great deeds, worth hearing to men of later generations, and that glory would attend his death. (+דוגמא אישית, פזיזות?)

6.13.4 My own idea is that Alexander was irritated with this remarks because he knew that they were true and that he had laid himself open to this censure. And yet, his rage in battle ans passion for glory made him like men overcome by any other form of pleasure, and he was not strong minded enough to keep out of dangers.

7.28.1-3 Alexander excelled in physical beauty, in zest for exertions, in shrewdness of judgement, in courage, in love of honor and danger, and in care for religion. (2) over bodily pleasures, he exercised the greatest self control; he was insatiate for praise alone. He had the most wonderful power to discern the right course, when it was still unclear, and was most successful in inferring from observed facts what was likely to follow. His skill in marshaling, arming and equipping a force, in raising the morale of his troops, filling them with confidence and banishing their fear in dangers by his own fearlessness was altogether most admirable. (3) in fact, when what was to be done was clear, he displayed the utmost daring, and he had a most wonderful ability to strike the enemy first. No one was more reliable in keeping pacts or agreements, or more secure from being trapped by the fraudulent. As for money, he was very sparing in using it for his own pleasures, but most liberal in employing it for the benefit of others. (יופי, נחישות, צדק, אהבת הכבוד והסכנה, דחיית סיפוקים אישיים וחוסר סיפוק רק בנוגע לתהילה. חוש כיוון, יכולת פיקודית, העלאת מורל החיילים, כיבוד הסכמים, חסכנות על עצמו בכסף, פזרנות על אחרים - כמעט רק דברים טובים)

תשוקה

1.3.5 (end): (Alexander) was seized with a longing to go beyond the river.(Ister)


2.3.1 Alexander was seized with a longing to ascend to the acropolis (when he reached Gordium).


4.28.1-3 Heracles was unable to capture the rock of Aornos (Arrian doubts he was even there). (4) Alexander, as soon as he heard this, was seized with a longing to capture this mountain. (+ תחרות עם הראקלס)


5.2.5. Alexander was seized with a yearning to see the place where the Nysaeans proudly displayed certain memorials of Dionysus. (+ קשר לדיוניסיוס)


7.1.1 after reaching Pasargadae and Persepolis, Alexander was seized with a longing to sail down the Euphrates and Tigris to the Persian Sea (..)

7.2.2 thus, while Alexander was not wholly beyond comprehension of better courses, he was fearfully mastered by love of fame. For when on his arrival at Taxila, he saw those of the Indian sophist who go naked, a longing came to him that one of this men should live with him, since he admired their endurance. (+גימנוסופיסטים)


7.16.2 Alexander was seized with a longing to discover what other sea is joined by this sea, called both Caspian and Hyrcanian,..

קשרים לאלים

לבודדים ובאופן כללי, תחרות וקשר סתם - בתיאורו של אריאנוס מצטייר אלכסנדר כאדם מחובר למימד הרוחני.

4.28.1-3 Heracles was unable to capture the rock of Aornos (Arrian doubts he was even there). (4) Alexander, as soon as he heard this, was seized with a longing to capture this mountain.


5.2.5. Alexander was seized with a yearning to see the place where the Nysaeans proudly displayed certain memorials of Dionysus.

2.3.8 I cannot say with confidence what Alexander actually did about the (Gordian) knot, but he and his suite certainly left the waggon with the impression that the oracle about the undoing of the knot had been fulfilled, and in fact that night there was thunder and lightning, a further sign from heaven. (+הגשמת נבואה)


3.3.2 In any case, he set out (to Libya) for Ammon with this idea, hoping to secure more exact knowledge of his affairs, or at least to say he had secured it.

3.3.6 some divine help was given to Alexander on his way to Ammon. (הקשר לאלים)

7.16.7 the fact was that divine power led him on the path which once taken determined his immediate death. And it may be that it was really better for him to die at the height of his fame, when men felt most regret for him and before any ordinary disaster befall him. (8) I believe Alexander would have preferred to have gone first himself rather that experience it during his lifetime (Hephaestion's death).

7.20.1 A story is prevalent (..) that Alexander thought himself worthy to be regarded as a third god by the Arabs, since his achievements were as magnificent as those of Dionysus (..)


6.28.1-2 Arrian denies that Alexander passed through Carmania with two war chariots in imitation of the Bacchic revelry of Dionysus. He adds, my own obligation has been adequately discharged by including the story, unreliable though it is. (לא חיקוי של דיוניסוס.)


7.29.3-4 again, even Alexander's practice of referring his own birth to a god was not in my opinion a grave fault on his part; and perhaps it was no more than an expedient to make him impressive to his subjects. Indeed in my own view he was not less distinguished as a king than Minos or Aeacus or Rhadamanthys, .. or than Theseus, son of Posidon.. (4) so too in my opinion, his Persian dress was a device designed for the barbarians, to make the king not wholly alien from them in appearance, and for the Macedonians as well, to give him some protection from the sharpness and insolence of Macedonian behavior; indeed for my opinion in was also for this reason that he introduced the Persian “apple-bearers” into the Macedonian battalions and the Persian peers into the agemas. His drinking bouts too, as Aristobulus says, were prolonged not for the sake of the wine, for he drank little wine, but out of courtesy to the Companions. (+ ברבריות, שתייה מועטה, מתנגש עם מה שנאמר ב- 4.8.2, 4.9.1, ראה\י לעיל)


7.30.1-3 anyone who reproaches Alexander should not do so by merely citing actions that merit reproach, but should collect all his actions together, and then carefully reflect who he himself is and what kind of fortune he enjoys, that he can condemn Alexander, given what Alexander became and the height of human good fortune he attained, the unquestioned king of both continents whose name reached every part of the world, whereas he is himself a lesser man, whose energies are spent on petty things and who does not even gets this things right. (2) in my own view there was no race of men, no city in those days, no single men whom the name of Alexander had not reached. (..) signs (of Alexander being born with a divine agency) have been given by oracles, dreams and visions seen by different men, and the honor mankind pay him to this day and the more that human memory preserved of him, and even now, after so long a passage of time other oracles in his honor had been given to the Macedonians. (3) so, while I myself have censured some of Alexander's acts in my history of them, I am not ashamed to express admiration of Alexander himself; I have made those criticisms from my own respect for truth and also for the good of mankind (..) and like Alexander, not without god's help. (+ צנזורא על חלק מהמעשים)

רמזים אחרים

7.12.7 did Olympias affect Alexander against Antipater? Arrian is not sure. (הקשר לאמא)

4.25.4 Alexander selected the finest oxen because he thought them of unusual beauty and size and wished to send them into Macedonia to work the soil. (געגועים לבית?)


5.19.6 Alexander's devotion to Bucephalas was great, and also the terror he inspired in the Barbarians. So much I had to say in praise of this Bucephalas for Alexander's sake. (הקשר לבוקפאלאס)


Alexander fell in love with her, .. As for Darius's wife, who was said to be the most beautiful woman in Asia, either he felt no desire for her or he controlled himself, young as he was and at the very height of good fortune, when men act violently: he respected and spared her, showing much restraint as well as an ambition for good repute which was not misplaced. (חוסר עניין בנשים?)


3.3.2 In any case, he set out (to Libya) for Ammon with this idea, hoping to secure more exact knowledge of his affairs, or at least to say he had secured it. (מה יגידו)

6.26.1-3 now at this point a noble deed, as noble as any of Alexander's, in my judgement is not to be left in obscurity, (..) The army was marching through sand, with the heat already burning, since they were obliged to get to water at the end of the march, and this was some distance ahead. Alexander himself was in the grip of thirst, and persisted with difficulty. Suddenly, some light armed troops left the army to look for water and found some, collected in a shallow torrent bed, a poor and wretched water hole. They took it to Alexander, poured it into a helmet and offered it to the king. He took it and thanked them, but then poured it out in front of everyone. And at this action, the army was so much heartened that you would have guessed that all had drunk what Alexander had poured away. This deed of Alexander's I specially commend as a proof of his endurance and generalship. ( מים)

1.22.7 Alexander desired to save Halicarnassus if the citizens would surrender amicably. (אגו+חוסר עקביות - היו מקרים בהם העריך יותר גבורה והתנגדות ממשית)

מול:

5.19.3 in this way he himself acted like a king in his treatment of a man of honour, while in Porus he found from this time entire fidelity. (כבוד למי שנלחם נגדו בעוז - מתנגש עם מה שהיה קודם)


3.5.7 the Romans learnt from Alexander to keep a watch on Egypt, and never to send anyone from the Senate as governor, but only those whom they class as knights. (חיקוי על ידי הרומאים)

6.23.3 the relation of this stories to Alexander is said to have inspired him with emulation of Cyrus and Semiramis (from Ora to Pura, the Gadrosian Capital) (אמולציא)

Vs.

4.4.9 all the Scythians would have perished in their flight had not Alexander been taken ill (due to the water in the area, poor chap). Aristander's prophecy came true. (מחלה - אנושיות?)

הקשר הגורדי


2.3.8 I cannot say with confidence what Alexander actually did about the (Gordian) knot, but he and his suite certainly left the waggon with the impression that the oracle about the undoing of the knot had been fulfilled, and in fact that night there was thunder and lightning, a further sign from heaven. (+הגשמת נבואה)

שתיה

7.29.3-4 again, even Alexander's practice of referring his own birth to a god was not in my opinion a grave fault on his part; and perhaps it was no more than an expedient to make him impressive to his subjects. Indeed in my own view he was not less distinguished as a king than Minos or Aeacus or Rhadamanthys, .. or than Theseus, son of Posidon.. (4) so too in my opinion, his Persian dress was a device designed for the barbarians, to make the king not wholly alien from them in appearance, and for the Macedonians as well, to give him some protection from the sharpness and insolence of Macedonian behavior; indeed for my opinion in was also for this reason that he introduced the Persian “apple-bearers” into the Macedonian battalions and the Persian peers into the agemas. His drinking bouts too, as Aristobulus says, were prolonged not for the sake of the wine, for he drank little wine, but out of courtesy to the Companions. (+ בן אל, ברבריות, שתייה מועטה, מתנגש עם מה שנאמר ב- 4.8.2, 4.9.1:)


4.8.2 Alexander had already taken to new and more barbaric ways in drinking. (ברבריות, התמכרות לטיפה המרה)

4.9.1 I myself strongly blame Clitus for his insolence towards the king, and pity Alexander for his misfortune, since he showed himself as the slave of anger and drunkenness. (2) but for the sequel I commend Alexander, in that he immediately recognized the savagery of his action. (עבד הטיפה המרה והכעס+חרטה)